Recently, during the course of a lecture in Shillong, Meghalaya, Victoria Tauli-Corpuz told the audience that she opposes the plan to build large dams in northeast India, because such development projects would infringe upon the rights of the local indigenous people. Using the authority bestowed on her by the international drug-legalization lobby, Tauli-Corpus, who chairs the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, said: “I have learnt that the government proposes to set up some 100 dams in the northeast of India. It may be a clean source of energy, but it should not be carried out at the cost of the rights of the local indigenous people.”

Tauli-Corpuz is but a run-of-the-mill environmentalist, who was given her authority by international pro-drug kingpin George Soros’ partner, Britain’s Lord Mark Malloch-Brown. Malloch-Brown, as UN Development Program Administrator in 2000, had set up the UNDP-Civil Society Organizations (CSO) Advisory Committee to advise him on the orientation, thrusts, and programs of the UNDP from a civil society perspective. He assigned Tauli-Corpuz to head the UNDPCSO, where she pushed for the creation of a UNDP Policy of Engagement with Indigenous Peoples.

One does not have to look far to see the process in progress here. This author, in an article titled, “The Soros/Malloch-Brown Factor in Afghanistan” (EIR, Feb. 27, 2009), documented that Soros, who has a hook into the world’s narcotics cartels, benefits immensely from the explosion of drugs. The Soros-funded Senlis Council, having enlisted a number of drug-loving bureaucrats, holds seminars on the “impossibility” of eradication of Afghan opium. Behind these shenanigans, the prime objective of the Senlis Council and its benefactor is to legalize opium production in Afghanistan.

Soros & Malloch-Brown: Drugs & Empire

In 2005, a visiting scholar of the Carnegie Endowment for Peace, Frederic Grare, in his article, “Anatomy of a Fallacy: Senlis Council and Narcotics in Afghanistan,” wrote: “In the present situation, the Senlis proposals would, on the contrary, speed up the transformation of Afghanistan into a narco-economy…”

While Soros goes about openly promoting drug legalization worldwide, using his ability to hand out money created through speculation, currency manipulation, hedge funds, etc., to “purchase” individuals willing to push his agenda, Malloch-Brown, who in July 2009 announced his stepping down from his position as Minister of State for Africa, Asia and the United Nations at the end of July 2009, citing personal and family reasons, was adequately trained by Her Majesty’s Service.

He serves the interest of the offshore banks and the City of London by helping to procure the much needed liquidity to keep the imperial wheels greased. Soros’ and Malloch-Brown’s common interests have brought the two men close to each other. Malloch-Brown is not merely a collaborator of Soros and his New York house guest, who helps to finance Soros’ anti-nation-state war chest with UN money; he is a business partner as well. In April 2007, Malloch-Brown was appointed vice-chairman of Soros’ Quantum Fund, whence Soros’ billions come.

The Financial Times of London reported that “Sir Mark will also serve as vice chairman of the billionaire philanthropist’s Open Society Institute (OSI), which promotes democracy and human rights, particularly in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.” The Financial Times added, in a May 1, 2007 article: “In a letter to shareholders in his Quantum hedge funds, Mr. Soros said Sir Mark would provide advice on a variety of issues to him and his two sons, who now run the company on a day-to-day basis. With his extensive international contacts, Malloch-Brown will help create opportunities for [Soros Fund Management] and the fund around the world.”

Who Cares About the Manipuris? Keep the Drug Money Flowing

This brings us to the question of why Malloch-Brown’s paw, Tauli-Corpuz, was deployed to undermine the Government of India’s efforts to build hydroelectric dams in the northeast, by bringing together local environmentalists, insurgents, and the anti-India faction within Bangladesh. Those who, in New Delhi, care to know about the state of Manipur, bordering Myanmar, and one of the easternmost states of India, where dams have been proposed, know that the drug traffickers’ stakes in that area are very high. This thinly populated state, with hardly 0.2% of India’s population, is perhaps the worst affected state as far as drugs are concerned.

Sharing a long border with Myanmar, Manipur is one of the major entry points of heroin from Myanmar and Laos. The effect is quite visible on the streets of Manipur towns, and in the statistics of HIV/AIDS-affected victims in that state. As a result of the free flow of drugs, and perpetuation of poverty and lack of development, which keeps unemployment, especially among youth, at a very high level, the state has become highly vulnerable to trauma and death from HIV/AIDS.

On the other hand, the entry of drugs and the disproportionate number of drug addicts in the state is visible to anyone who wants to know. The major entry point for drugs from Myanmar is through the small town of Moreh, also known as “Millions Of Rupees Enter Here.” No doubt, that is what attracts Soros and Malloch-Brown, and that is why Tauli-Corpuz has been deployed to maintain the status quo, under the pretext of “protecting” the indigenous people of that area.

But that is not the only danger. If one starts looking at Central Asia, where Soros, helped by his Wall Street-City of London drug-laundered money, has carried out a number of “colour revolutions,” the conditions that helped him to push his agenda were the instability in those countries caused by terrorist activities—facilitated by the US/NATO war in Afghanistan, and the British-Saudi network’s creation of “Islamic jihadis” in the region. While Soros kept plugging for continuation of drug production in Central Asia, particularly in the Ferghana Valley, he also funded widely the “dissidents.”

In 2004, Soros’ OSI, chanting its “I love democracy” mantra, made its move to dislodge the Uzbek President, Islam Karimov. Soros’ objective was to put in place a “democratic, liberal government,” which would allow, among other things, huge opium production in the fertile Ferghana Valley to “ease the cash flow” for both Soros and the country he was planning to control. In 2008, he tried the same game in Georgia, using his henchman, President Mikhail Saakashvili. That effort was thwarted by the angry Russians.

In 2004, Karimov was under security threat from two jihadi groups. One was the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), funded and armed by the Saudi-British nexus and protected by the Pakistani ISI in the unchartered tribal areas of Pakistan. The other group was the Hizb ut-Tahrir (HuT), banned in all the Central Asian republics and headquartered in South Kensington, England, and which was extremely active in the Ferghana Valley, calling for unification of Muslims worldwide under a single caliphate, proclaiming that Western democracy was unacceptable to Muslims.

Northeast India: A Bowl Full of Insurgents

Another open secret in India, in line with the drugs pouring into the country, causing addiction all across the northeast, is that the area has remained in deep turmoil for decades, and has nurtured secessionist rebels using the waters of the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea. Neighbouring Myanmar has a number of powerful insurgent groups that are interlinked with the Indian northeastern rebels.

A large portion of the illegal lethal weapons that come into northeast India originate in Cambodia. The underground route to South Asia is said to begin on the Ranong islands off the Thai coast, from where the arms are shipped through the Andaman Sea to Cox’s Bazar along the Bangladesh coast. From here, the weapons are divvied up into smaller consignments and carried to various destinations in Myanmar and northeastern India through different routes.

In early April 2004, on a tip-off, Bangladeshi joint forces seized ten truckloads of submachine-guns, AK-47 assault rifles, and other firearms and bullets, in a swoop on the Karnaphuli coast in the port city of Chittagong. It was the largest-ever arms haul. Police and coast guard forces found the new submachine guns, AK-47 rifles, submachine carbines, Chinese pistols, rocket shells and launchers, hand grenades and bullets, stuffed into about 1,500 wooden boxes.

But, long before the big haul was reported, it was widely known that international arms smugglers were active in the coastal belts in Chittagong and Cox’s Bazar. The vast coastline in the bay near Ukhia in Cox’s Bazar, and border points between Bangladesh and Myanmar, had become a sanctuary for arms smugglers, mainly in the absence of an adequate security watch. The smugglers were bringing in sophisticated firearms, including pure military hardware such as AK-47 and M-16 rifles, long-range pistols, revolvers and grenades, among other items.

In recent days, researchers have pointed out that many of the insurgent outfits in northeast India have established their bases in Bangladesh, and several of their top leaders have been operating from there for a long time now. While Bangladesh has, all along, denied the presence of these militants, or their camps, on its soil at the official level, the military-backed regime that took over power in Dhaka, in January 2007, had sent informal feelers to India, suggesting they had cracked down on many of these insurgent networks inside its territory.

Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman, a researcher with the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS), in a recent article, pointed out that the proof of the Bangladeshi connection, and the support that the northeast insurgent groups receive in their territory, was revealed by Julius Dorphang, the surrendered chairman of the Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC), one of the many insurgent groups operating in northeast India. Dorphang was the founder of the Hynniewtrep Achik Liberation Council (HALC) in 1992, along with John Kharkrang and Cheristerfield Thangkhiew, which waged a war against the Indian state for a separate Khasiland. In 1995, all three leaders met in Dhaka and subsequently renamed the HALC as the HNLC, Zulfiqur Rahman said.

Tauli-Corpuz’s Mission?

It is evident from all available reports that the northeast Indian states, isolated by the British Raj, through its centuries-long apartheid policy, have remained non-integrated with the rest of India. Also widely acknowledged, but not acted on, is the negative effect caused by the drug-gunning mafia and illegal infiltration of Bangladeshis, many of whom are working hand-in-glove with Islamic militants. New Delhi had been in a state of denial about this matter for decades now.

Now, when New Delhi has begun to respond to the pressure for development, partly caused by China’s rapid infrastructural development on the other side of the Himalayas, the Soros-Malloch-Brown crowd has made its move. The area needs water and power, both of which come from damming the river judiciously, a process with which India has decades of experience.

Tauli-Corpuz’s pitch for the “protection” of indigenous people of another sovereign nation-state goes back to the days of the British Raj, under the leadership of Lord Palmerston, when the Empire made northeast India into a “zoo,” where each tribe, sub-tribe, ethnic, and sub-ethnic varieties were kept in “cages” demarcated by the extent they could travel. It seems that Malloch-Brown’s woman-on-the-ground is promoting the adoption of the same British Raj policy, using the “good offices” of the United Nations.

 
The author is South Asian Analyst at Executive Intelligence Review News Services Inc.